On November 22, 2005, the 42d anniversary of the murder of President John F. Kennedy, Illinois Senator Barack Obama spoke before the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations and set forth his proposal for the continued mission in Iraq. Obama was against the Iraq war from its inception, but now calls for a plan that maintains a reduced military presence, steps up the economic presence and does not call for troops out now.
I was at work on November 22, and was supervising a large transaction wherein all the attorneys kept asking the date as they signed documents and then answering their own question by saying “oh, yeah” and writing in November 22, remembering the sad anniversary.
So, I was unable to attend the event at CCFR, and only heard the media sound bytes of Obama’s speech. I heard Obama quoted, “Notice that I say ‘reduce,’ and not ‘fully withdraw’,” and “we need not a time-table, in the sense of a precise date for U.S. troop pull-outs, but a time-frame for such a phased withdrawal.” At first, I was not sure how I felt about Obama’s comments having been an advocate of Senator Russ Feingold’s
S. Res. 171 which, along with Senator Feingold’s comments about total withdrawal by 2006, seemed to require a specific time-frame for such, and had agreed with John Murtha’s call for withdrawal.
The demand for a quick total withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq comes from frustration over the dishonest way in which the Bush administration sold the war to Congress and the American people and disgust over the way the war is being maintained including torture, secret Eastern European gulags, slow rebuilding of Iraq’s infrastructure, war profiteering and ineptitude that gets more of our soldiers killed every day and brings little progress. When I visited Obama’s DC office on September 26 with United for Peace and Justice, Chicago Peace Action and NSPI, his aid, Mark Lippert, saw our frustration (
see my September 27th post). He told us that Senator Obama was very concerned about our continued presence in Iraq including the unchecked spending with no oversight and its negative effect on our own military. He added that Obama was willing to become a leader in creating an exit strategy once it becomes clearer what is the "right thing to do;" his concern being the manner in which we leave and what we leave in its place with apprehension about increased anti-American sentiment in the region and creation of a failed state. I hoped at the time that Obama would conclude that our continued presence in Iraq was increasing anti-American sentiment and fueling the insurgency, so it was time to schedule an expeditious full withdrawal of troops from Iraq.
But, here on November 22, 2005, our beloved Illinois Senator, Barack Obama called for a continued U.S. presence in Iraq, so I
downloaded his speech and began my analysis. Obama is calling for a reduction of the American presence, clarity regarding our rejection of the idea of permanent or long term military bases, a realistic vision for the structure of the government, improved implementation of infrastructure reconstruction, encouragement of international participation and an increased effort to confront terrorism in Afghanistan and the rest of the world all to “take steam out of the insurgency”. Obama thinks that there should still be an American presence in Iraq, but that the presence should be more constructive and our actions more strategic to realistic goals.
He’s right.
It has always been a realistic fear that a sudden withdraw of all American troops would be followed by a bloodbath. Many war critics have answered that the bloodbath would happen anyway. It doesn’t matter, though, if the bloodbath would happen anyway because if it follows an American withdraw, it would be blamed on the US. Also, a sudden withdraw without completion of the reconstruction of the physical infrastructure would reinforce anti-American sentiments as regular folks just trying to live their lives and run their businesses would suffer.
We made a mistake entering Iraq in 2003 and exacerbated the mistake through subsequent mishandling of military operations and rebuilding efforts. Forty-one years earlier, John F. Kennedy made the mistake of publicly challenging Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev and then finding himself in the situation of having to back down or put his nuclear weapons where his mouth was just weeks later. That was the summer of 1962 when Kennedy issued a public warning to the Soviet Union about placing offensive weapons in Cuba and then found that he soon had to deal with that very situation when in October 1962 high-altitude photographs taken from U-2 planes flying over Cuba showed Soviet soldiers setting up nuclear-armed missiles.
Back then, Kennedy finessed the ending of the Cuban Missile Crisis by sticking to American principles, and using diplomacy and basic principles of negotiation over military force. Kennedy rejected George Ball’s proposal of a Pearl Harbor-type attack against the missile site in Cuba and Bob McNamara’s suggestion of signaling a Soviet submarine escorting equipment ships to the missile site in a way that could be interpreted as an attack. Instead, Kennedy favored a quarantine of the area to prevent delivery of additional supplies and negotiation. With this plan, Kennedy slowed down the situation, diffused tensions, reduced harsh rhetoric, showed that the United States would follow all international rules of diplomacy and protocol and looked at the larger picture including the situation in Berlin that seemed to be escalating. By showing that the US would act slowly and responsibly, play by the rules and give something up to gain the security it sought, even if only the small concession of the obsolete bases in Turkey, Kennedy shifted the onus of starting nuclear war onto Khrushchev while allowing Khrushchev to save face while backing down.
What Obama is suggesting now for Iraq is a way to finesse the situation in a similar manner to the way John F. Kennedy finessed the Cuban Missile Crisis. Obama’s plan of reducing the military footprint of the US, setting the time frame for withdraw and clarifying our position that there will be no permanent US bases in Iraq would diffuse tensions by taking away the strongest arguments of the insurgency placing the onus of increased attacks on the insurgents rather than American troops or civilian workers. His plan to improve the reconstruction of Iraq would show American good faith and reduce the suffering of the average Iraqi who would never favor an insurgency over a happy and secure life and livelihood. His plan to increase international participation would show that the US will play by international rules and diffuse international tensions caused by our present belligerent behavior in the overall war on terror. Through Obama’s plan, the US may actually achieve its stated goal of a more stable Middle East and Persian Gulf and allow it to save face and the Iraq government to save face as well and start real self governing.
There is one thing I would add to Obama’s plan: attention to social and economic justice for Iraqis. Currently, jobs that should be going to Iraqis are being taken by American corporate mercenaries hiring international cheap labor. That has to end and reconstruction jobs should be given to Iraqi workers over imported workers. Currently, women are also under increased risk when exercising their civil liberties. Security for women trying to live their normal lives has to be increased and their rights secured.
The problem with Obama’s plan is not in the plan itself, but the execution thereof under current circumstances. Our republican controlled government does not seem to be interested in diffusing tensions, reducing rhetoric and slowing down the situation to assess new options. The fear and disunity caused by harsh words and high tension are their campaign tools which have worked well for them in the past. The money coming into its corporate contributors from war profiteering and energy price gouging means more to them than a stable Middle East and Persian Gulf.
republicans like Mark Kirk use talking points like "stay the course" and increase hate rhetoric on ethnic Americans and visitors avoiding a real dialogue on the problems in Iraq and possible solutions. The Bush administration and Delay's cronies accuse anyone with another idea about how we should conduct the war of being unpatriotic or cowardly and used that silly Jean Schmidt to attack a 37-year Marine veteran, later abandoning her when it didn't play well.
So, to best implement Senator Obama’s plan for success in Iraq, it is imperative that Americans replace the republican government with one controlled by Democrats. We have to work very hard in 2006 to elect Democrats to the House and Senate so we can implement Obama’s very farsighted plan for our future in Iraq. As Kennedy’s fine handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis created a more stable future for Americans, Russians and the world, only careful and proper handling of Iraq will create a positive outcome in our current world and only Democrats seem to be interested in doing that.
Reference information on the Cuban Missile Crisis:
BBC HistoryGovernment ArchivesJFK LibraryJFK's October 22, 1962 speech